On September 3, 1939, the writer was addressing a mammoth meeting on the sea-beach in Madras where about two hundred thousand people were present - the biggest meeting he has ever addressed - when somebody from the audience put an evening paper into his hand. He looked and read that Britain was at war with Germany. Immediately, the speaker switched over to the subject of the war. The much expected crisis had at last come. This was India's golden opportunity.

On the same day that Britain declared war on Germany, the Viceroy declared India a belligerent and issued an ordinance containing the most stringent powers for the suppression of internal disorder. On September 11th, he announced that the inauguration of the federal constitution under the Act of 1935 was postponed for the duration of the war.

On September 6th Mahatma Gandhi, after meeting the Viceroy, Lord Linlithgow, issued a press statement saying that in spite of the differences between India and Britain on the question on Indian independence, India should co-operate with Britain in her hour of danger. This statement came as a bomb-shell to the Indian people, who since 1927, had been taught by the Congress leaders to regard the next war as a unique opportunity for winning freedom. Following the above statement of Gandhi, many leaders belonging to the Gandhi Wing began to make public declarations to the effect that though they demanded freedom for India, they wanted Britain to win the war. As this sort of propaganda was likely to have a very unfortunate effect on Indian public opinion, the Forward Bloc, which was by now an All India organization, commenced counter-propaganda on a large scale. As against the Gandhi Wing, the Forward Bloc took the line that the Congress had since 1927 repeatedly declared that India should not co-operate in Britain's war and that the Congress should now put that policy into practice. The members of the Forward Bloc also declared openly that they did not want Britain to win the war because only after the defeat and break-up of the British Empire could India hope to be free.

Apart from the general propaganda carried on by the Forward Bloc, the writer made a lecture tour throughout the country, in the course of which he must have addressed about a thousand meetings in the course of ten months. That the British Government should permit such anti-British and anti-war propaganda came as a surprise to may, including the writer. The fact, however, was that the British Government was afraid that if drastic measures were taken against the Forward Bloc, it would provoke the Congress and the public in general to launch a campaign of passive resistance against the British Government. Because of sheer nervousness on the part of the British Government, the Forward Bloc was able to continue its anti-British and anti-war propaganda, though in the course of this propaganda, many members were thrown into prison.

The propaganda of the Forward Bloc found an enthusiastic echo all over India. Mahatma Gandhi and his followers thereupon realized that the policy of co-operation with Britain would not find any support among the public and would surely lead to the loss of their influence and popularity. Consequently, they began to alter their attitude gradually.

More strange even than Gandhi's attitude was the attitude of Nehru. From 1927 to 1938, he had figured prominently in all anti the anti-war resolutions of the Congress. Consequently, when the war broke out, people naturally expected him to take the lead in an anti-war policy. According to the previous resolutions of the Congress, the party should have immediately non co-operated with Britain's war-effort in September, 1939, and if after that, the Government had exploited India for the war-the Congress party only did Nehru not adopt this policy, but he used all his influence in order to prevent the Congress from embarrassing the British Government while the war was on.

The Executive (Working Committee) of the Congress met on September 8th, at Wardha to decide what attitude the Congress should take up towards the war. The writer, who was not a member then, was especially invited to the meeting and he gave expression to the view of the Forward Bloc that the struggle for freedom should begin at once. He added that in case the Congress Executive did not take the necessary steps in this connection, the Forward Bloc would consider itself free to act as it thought fit in the best interest of the country.

This uncompromising attitude had its effect and the Gandhi Wing gave up altogether the idea of co-operation with the British Government. Then there followed prolonging Committee passed a lengthy resolution asking the British Government to declare its war aims. The resolution, further, declared that if India were granted freedom, herself with other free nations for mutual defence against aggression and for economic co-operation."

This resolution was, in substance, an offer of co-operation in Britain's war-effort under certain conditions.

On October 17th, the Viceroy replied to this resolution of the Congress with a statement which was published in London as a White Paper. The Viceroy's offer was a proposal to establish a "Consultative Group", including Indian representatives, which would advice the Viceroy on questions pertaining to the war. He also reaffirmed the pledge of Dominion Status at some future date, which had been first made ten years ago by the then Viceroy, Lord Halifax (Irwin).

Apart from this reply of the British Government, what infuriated the Indian people most was that while the Allied powers were talking of fighting for "freedom and democracy", in India the Constitution of 1935 was suspended, all powers were concentrated in the hands of Viceroy, and in many parts of India severe restrictions on personal liberty were imposed - e.g. prohibition of all public meetings and demonstrations, imprisonment without trial, etc.

The writer is definitely of the opinion that if the Congress as a whole had taken up a bold and unequivocal attitude of determined opposition to the war from the very outset - Britain's war-production in India would have been seriously affected and it would not have been easy for the British Government to send Indian troops on active service to different theatres of war, far away from India. Consequently, in his view, by postoponing a final decision on the war-issue - Gandhi, Nehru and their followers helped the British Government indirectly. It is but natural that when the Congress did not give a clear lead to the country, the propaganda carried on by the agents of British Imperialism in India should partially succeed in winning the co-operation of certain sections of the Indian people.

On October 29th, the Congress Working Committee replied the Viceroy's pronouncement of October 17th with a resolution which contained a treat of civil disobedience (or passive resistance). Along with this, the Committee ordered the Congress Ministers in eight provinces to lay down office. Since the Viceroy was issuing orders to the Provincial Governments to carry out the war-policy of the British Government, the Congress Ministers had either to co-operate in the war-effort or to resign office.

It was generally expected that after the Congress Ministers resigned office, the campaign of passive resistance would begin. But this expectation was not fulfilled. Many people are of opinion that British intrigue was responsible for this. The British Government sent out to India some British Liberals and Democrats in order to influence Congress leaders. For Edward Thomson, visited India and he was followed by Sir Stafford Cripps who came in December.

Besides carrying on a continuous propaganda against co-operation in the war and in favour of commencing a national struggle for independence, the Forward Bloc organized periodic demonstrations for focusing public attention on these issue. For instance, in October, 1939, an Anti-Imperialist Conference was held at Nagpur which was a great success. And at the end of six months, the Bloc's propaganda culminated in a huge demonstration at Ramgarh in March, 1940, where the annual session of the Congress was being held at the time. The demonstration was convened by the Forward Bloc and the Kisan Sabha (Peasant's Organisation) and it was a greater success than the Congress meeting at Ramgarh which was presided over by Moulana Abul Kalam Azad.

The Congress did not decide anything at Ramgarh about its war policy. For six months its policy had been non-committal, with the result that the British Government had been going on exploiting India for war purpose. The Anti-compromise Conference at Ramgarh, led by the writer and Swami Sahajananda Saraswati, the peasant leader, decided, therefore to immediately launch a fight over the issue of the war and of India's demand for independence. During the National Week in April (April 6th to April 13th), 1940 - the Forward Bloc commenced, all over the country, its campaign of civil disobedience. Prominent members of the Bloc were gradually put in prison. In Bengal too, where the writer was living at the time, the campaign flared up and early in July, the writer along with hundreds of his co-workers was living at the time, the campaign flared up ad early in July, the writer long with hundreds of his co-workers were put in prison.

A few days before he was thrown into prison, that is, in June 1940, the writer had his lad long talk with Mahatma Gandhi and his principal lieutenants. India had received the news of the final collapse of France. The German troops had made a triumphal entry into Paris. British morale, in England and in India, had sunk low. A British Minister had found it necessary to rebuke the British public for going about "with long faces as I they were at a funeral". In India, the civil disobedience campaign started by the Forward Bloc was going on and many of the Bloc leaders were already in prison. The writer, therefore, made a passionate appeal to the Mahatma to come forward and launch his campaign of passive resistance - since it was now clear that the British Empire would be overthrown and it was high time for India to play her part in the war. But the Mahatma was still non-committal and he repeated that, in his view, the country was not prepared for a fight and good to India. However, at the end of a long and bearty talk, he told the writer that if his (the writer's) efforts to win freedom for India succeeded - then his (Ghandhi's) telegram of congratulation would be the first that the writer would receive.

On this occasion, the writer had also long talks with the leaders of some other organizations - e.g. with Mr. Jinnah, the President of the Mulsim League and Mr. Sarvarkar, the President of the Hindu Mahasabha. Mr. Jinnah was then thinking only of how to realize his plan of Pakistan (division of India) with the help of the British. The idea of putting up a joint fight with the Congress, for Indian independence, did not appeal to him at all though the writer suggested that in the event of such united struggle taking place, Mr. Jinnah would be the first Prime Minister of Free India. Mr. Savarkar seemed to be oblivious of the International situation and was only thinking how Hindus could secure military training by entering Britain's army in India. From these interviews, the writer was forced to the conclusion that nothing could be expected from either the Muslim League or the Hindu Mahasabha.

On May 20th, 1940, Pandit Nehru made an astounding statement in which he said, "Launching a civil disobedience campaign at a time when Britain is engaged in a life and death struggle would be an act derogatory to India's honour." Similarly, the Mahatma said, "We do not seek our independence out of Britain's ruin. That is not the way of non violence." It was clear that the Gandhi wing was doing everything possible in order to arrive at a compromise with Britain.

On July 27th, the All India Congress Committee in a meeting at Poona which the Mahatma did not attend, made an offer of co-operation with Britain in the war, provided the demand of the Congress for independence was conceded. At this time, the Mahatma retired from the leadership of the Congress, because it was difficult for him to support the war-effort owing to his faith in non-violence.

The Viceroy's reply to the Congress resolution came on August 8th, when he made an offer to include a number of representative Indians in his Executive Council, as well as on his Consultative Council. But that was not independence or anything approaching it.

In the meantime, after the writer's incarceration in July, 1940, the campaign of the Forward Bloc continued with increasing vigour. This campaign stirred the rank and file of the Gandhi Wing. In spite of orders from above that no followers of the Gandhi Wing should commence passive resistance, the rank and file, and especially the produced a great commotion among the Gandhian leaders. Some of them began to press the Mahatma to launch the fight - otherwise they would lose all influence and prestige in the country. Others began gradually to join the fight were forced. On September 15th, the Congress withdrew its offer of co-operation and invited the Mahatma to resume the leadership of the Congress. In October, 1980, the Mahatma declared that he had decided to commence resistance to the British Government's war-efforts - but not on a mass scale. In November, 1940, Gandhi's campaign began and within a short time, all the Congress Ministers in eight provinces who participated in the movement were taken to prison, along with hundreds of influential leaders.

The campaign in 1940-41 was not conducted by the Mahatma with that enthusiasm and vehemence which one had seen in 1921 and again in 1930-32 - though objectively the country was more ripe for a revolution than before. Evidently, Gandhi still wanted to keep the door open for a compromise - which would not be possible if too much bitterness against the British was roused in the course of the campaign. Nevertheless, the Forward Bloc was jubilant that Gandhi's hands had been forced. Now that both wings of the Congress - the Gandhi Wing and the Forward Bloc - were definitely committed to an anti-British and anti-war policy, it was time to consider bigger plans for achieving the independence of India.

The writer was then confined in prison without any trial. Long study and deliberation had convinced him about three things. Firstly, Britain would lose the war and the British Empire would break up. Secondly, in spite of being in a precarious position, the British would not hand over power to the Indian people and the latter would have to fight for their freedom. Thirdly, India would win her independence if she played her part in the war against Britain and collaborated with those powers that were fighting Britain. The conclusion he drew for himself was that India should actively enter the field of international politics.

He had already been in British custody eleven times, but he now felt that it would be a gross political blunder to remain inactive in prison, when history was being made elsewhere. He then explored the possibility of being released in a legal manner, but found that there was none, because the British Government was determined to keep him locked up, so long as the war lasted. Thereupon, he sent an ultimatum to the Government pointing out that there was no moral or legal justification for detaining him in jail and hat if he was not released forthwith, he would fast unto death. He was determined to get out of prison, whether dead or alive.

The Government laughed at the ultimatum and did not reply. At the last moment, the Home Minister requested his brother, Sarat Chandra Bose, Leader of the Congress party in the Provincial Parliament, to inform the writer that it was a mad project and that Government could do nothing. Late at night, he was visited in his prison-cell by his brother who conveyed the Minister's message to him and informed him, further, that the attitude of the Government was very hostile. The next morning the fast began as already announced. Seven days later, the authorities suddenly got frightened, lest the writer should die in prison. A secret conference of high officials was hurriedly held and it was decided to release him, with the intention of re-arresting him after a month or so, when his health improved.

After his release, the writer was at home for about forty days and did not leave his bed-room. During this period, he surveyed the whole war-situation and came to the conclusion that Indian freedom-fighters should have first-hand information as to what was happening abroad and should join the fight against Britain and thereby contribute to the break-up of the British Empire. After considering the different means whereby this could be done, he found no other alternative but to travel abroad himself. Towards the end of January, 1941, he quietly left his home one night at a late hour. Though he was always closely watched by the Secret Police, he managed to dodge them and after an adventurous journey, managed to cross the Indian frontier. It was the biggest political sensation that had happened in India for a long time.

During the year 1941, the Civil Disobedience Movement continued - but without much enthusiasm on the part of Gandhi and his followers. The Mahatma had calculated that by following a mild policy, he would ultimately open the door towards a compromise - but in this, he was disappointed. His goodness was mistaken for weakness and the British Government went on exploiting India for war purposes to the best of its ability. The Government also exploited to the fullest extent such agents, as the erstwhile Communist leader, M.N. Roy, who were prepared to sell themselves to Britain.

Ultimately, the British Government woke up from its self - complacency when in November, 1941, war - clouds appeared in the Far Eastern horizon. Early in December, the Congress leaders belonging to the Gandhi Wing were suddenly set free. But simultaneously, leaders belonging to the Left Wing were clapped in prison. For instance, when the war in the Far East broke bout, Sarat Chandra Bose, the brother of the writer, was sent to prison without any trial. This was followed, some time later, by the incarceration of Sardar Sardul Singh Cavesheer, the Acting President of the Forward Bloc. The Government probably thought that by this dual policy of arresting the Leftists and releasing the Gandhites, it would come to a settlement with the Congress.

The desire of the British Government for a compromise with the Congress was reciprocated by the Gandhi Wing. The Congress Working Committee, meeting at Wardha on the 16th January 1942, passed a resolution offering cooperation in the war-effort once again. Soon after - that is, in February, 1942 at the instance of the British Government, Marshal Chiang Kai Shek visited India with a view to inducing the Congress leaders to come to an understanding with the British Government. A month later - in March, 1942, - an American Technical Mission, some American diplomats and journalists and several American military units arrived in India. In April, the British Commander-in-Chief in India was forced to seek the help of Marchan Chiang Kai Shek and bring Chinese troops to Burma.

The fall of Singapore on February 15, 1942, after one week's fighting, caused consternation in Britain and in America. When the Japanese forces after fighting the Malayan campaign advanced into Burma, the British Prime Minister was forced to turn over a new leaf and on March 11, made a conciliatory speech announcing the visit of Sir Stafford Cripps to India on behalf of the War Cabinet.

Sir Stafford Cripps arrived in India in March, 1942, under auspicious circumstances. In view of the rapid and brilliant success of the Japanese forces, the British Government was in a chastened mood and Cripps was regarded by the general public as the right man for the job. But his efforts, nevertheless, failed, because all that he had brought with him, was a promise of Dominion Status after the war ended. Coupled with this promise, was the threat that India would probably be divided, when the war was over. On April 10, the Congress Working Committee rejected the Cripps proposals on the ground that they in no way met India's demand for freedom. Sir Stafford Cripps made his farewell broadcast to the Indian people on the 11th April and then left India a disappointed man.