AIFB for Netaji’s
a Socialist
1. With the
historical resolution adopted at the All India Forward Bloc, National Council
meeting held in
Subhas
Chandra didn't rest only after giving the call for socialistic reconstruction,
but he started advocating and elaborating the concrete ways in which the
planning and implementation should proceed for solving the age-old fundamental
problems' of the country and building a 'New Order' in the society.
But
the whole scenario had changed with Netaji's unprecedented revolutionary move
to leave the country for launching a bigger armed struggle from outside with
his INA for emancipation of the country. But during his physical absence from
the Indian soil, the left forces in
The
way in which this 'transfer of power' was effected, the real 'power' was not
handed over to the 'people', and the obvious results followed. With the
pro-capitalist anti-people policies of the ruling parties, the basic problems
and miseries of the majority of the people have not been solved, rather
aggravated during the last couple of decades after independence.
2. In
the backdrop of this historical perspective, in our 2003 National Council
document, we analysed in detail the reasons of failure of the ruling parties
tied up with capitalist and imperialist forces, and highlighted how they have
deviated from the socialist reconstruction path shown by Netaji Subhas Chandra
Bose. The obvious conclusion of the '2003 National Council' was that we must
continue our relentless efforts for the success of a 'second revolution' that
would materialize the socialist reconstruction programme conceived by Netaji.
With a brief introduction of Netaji's unique concept of Socialism, the '2003
National Council', therefore, gave the clarion call to 'Rebuild India in Netaji's
way.'
3. With
the passage of time since the '2003 National Council', India's ruling class
moved further with their Second generation Economic Reforms, and thereby
plunging the country in deep-rooted miseries and inequalities with increasing
gap between the limited 'haves' and a vast majority of 'have-nots'. On the
other hand, during this intervening period,
In
the backdrop of the aforesaid analyses, we can further develop what Netaji
Subhas Chandra actually conceived about his Socialist India and how widely his
Socialist Reconstruction Plan fundamentally differed from the measures taken
under the last Five Year Plans. Our Alternative proposals based on Netaji's
ideological directions may also highlight how and why the Centre's eleventh
Five Year is deemed to meet the same miserable failure to ensure socio-economic
emancipation of the millions of downtrodden Indian people.
The present document is prepared on the aforesaid step by step approach and political analysis and will thus be a supplement to our earlier '2003 National Council' document giving the historical call to 'Rebuild India in Netaji's way'. The present '2008 National Council' document will envisage a landmark peoples alternative for 'Building a Socialist India' as conceived and advocated by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose.
4. What
4.1 We have seen ten Five year plans, amendments of
Constitution more than 100 times, number of commissions on different subjects,
policies and programmes, experienced different political ideologies and
economic models and systems but the plight of the common people of India remain
as same even after all these exercises.
4.2
4.3 The
UNDP’s annual Human Development Report, for instance, is enough to interpret
the growing gap between the rising fortunes of the billionaire brigade of
Shining India and the pathetic human development indices that characterize the
real
4.4 Under the impact of economic reforms of last fifteen years, the rupee got devalued to the extent of 91%. This devaluation has increased the costs of import of oil, fertilizers etc, and thus pushed up the prices of all commodities in the domestic market. The economic reforms have substantially reduced the subsidies on petroleum products. The cross–subsidy-pricing policy (more subsidy to the items useful to the poorer sections than to the items used by the richer sections) has been abandoned. Of all the petroleum products, the price of diesel, which affects the cost structure in agriculture, transport and freight, and of kerosene which is used by poorer sections have been raised. Therefore, after implementation of economic reforms, due to devaluation and reduction in subsidies, the transport fares and freight have gone up steeply. Further reduction or withdrawal of subsidies on water, power, fertilizers, pesticides etc have increased the cost of agricultural production. Both these factors are causing substantial increase in prices of all the essential commodities, food grains, oils, vegetables, pulses, salt etc and bus/rail fares.
4.5 The
government always projects some figures about declining inflation, rising
Foreign exchange reserve, FDI and so on. But in reality more than 300 million
people live below the poverty line of Rs. 10 per day, 450 million live below
poverty line definition of World Bank i.e. $1 per day. 700 million people live
below poverty line of $ 2per day. These millions of people go to bed hungry
every day. The average earning of an Indian is $1.44 per day (about Rs.65). At
the same time prices of essential commodities are skyrocketing. The prices of
Petroleum products have increased several times under the pretext of
international market volatility.
4.6. The
practice of NEP has created a new phenomenon of ‘Jobless Growth’. The net
result of the NEP is that
4.7. According
to World Wealth Report, in 2006
4.8. Corporate
houses are now moving forward to assume many traditional functions and
responsibilities of the state, including those in sensitive areas like higher,
professional and technical.
4.9. It has
been noticed that through privatization, liberalization and globalization, an
attempt has been made to change the very character of our polity and the
concept of welfare state is being pushed into the garbage tank. The government
has tried to disown its responsibilities in the field of education, health,
employment, food and nutrition, social security and such type of essential
services and leave it to the private sector. It has created tremendous
insecurity and instability in our country leading to growing poverty and
suicides.
4.10 The ruling
class is blindly following the reforms agenda suggested by the World Bank,
International Monetary Fund and the World Trade Organisation. Due to this
policy change, the rural
4.11. The Indian
corporate sectors (like Mittal, Tatas, etc) have started to purchase big
industrial and trading units in foreign countries. Several Indian companies
have grown so strong that they have acquired several companies in developed
countries and acquired the status of MNCs. If we calculate thoroughly, the
Indian corporates are investing more in foreign countries compared to their
domestic investments now-a-days. These capitalists are using the Indian
infrastructure, enjoying tax holidays on various counts and accumulating huge
profit. But they are not re-investing these capital in
4.12. The study
conducted by National Sample Survey Organisation (NSSO) reveals that overall
poverty in
4.13. Another
development of great significance is the growth of the Indian Middle class.
During the last six decades, Indian middle class, which is growing in number,
has created a new circle in the society. The emergence of middle class paved
the path for rapid consumer culture. The demand of the middle class for
consumer durables viz., refrigerators, washing machines, micro ovens, vacuum
cleaners, coolers, air conditioners, home theatres, DVDs, motor cycles, cars
etc. has prompted the industrialists, particularly MNCs and monopoly capitalists
to make a systematic study of the size of the middle class. It was revealed
that the middle class is growing at the rate of 15% per annum. The notable
development due to the growth of the middle class is the creation of a new life
style based on new socio-economic culture. A major section of this class is
falling in the trap of private banks and money lenders due to greediness and to
keep the social status. This rapid growth of Indian middle class is confined
more to the cities and metros. So it does not adequately promote inclusive
growth, rather it leads to greater concentration of income in the urban areas
vis-à-vis rural areas.
4.14. Census data
on living conditions indicate that the rural-urban divide is widening.
Regarding housing facilities, urban areas have 79 percent houses, whereas this
proportion in contrast is only 41 percent in rural areas. Moreover, temporary
houses account for only 5 percent in urban areas, but their proportion is as
high as 23 percent in rural areas. Drinking water within the premises was
available to only 25 percent of rural population, while the figure of urban
areas was 65 percent. In urban areas, 88 percent of households are electrified
and only 12 percent use kerosene. In rural areas, only 43.5 percent of
households have electricity and 55.6 percent depend on kerosene. Bathroom
facility was available to 70 percent of urban households, but merely 23 percent
rural households had this facilities. Only 26 percent of urban households had
no latrine, but as against it, 78 percent rural households did not have a
latrine. In rural areas, only 4 percent of households had closed drainage, 30
percent open drainage and 64 percent had no drainage. In urban areas, 19
percent of households did not own any of the specified assets, such as radio,
television, telephone, bicycle, scooter/motor cycle/moped, car/jeep/van, but in
rural areas this percentage was 41 percent. Census of
5. Impact of
globalization
The Indian experience of globalisation is :-
* Small
scale and tiny industries are either wiped out or taken over and converted into
production units of MNCs.
* The application of high technology for
the interest of corporate houses tends to reduce employment possibilities.
* Indiscriminate production and
profligate consumption associated with the principle of liberalisation results
in a rapid degradation of the environment.
* A kind of cultural homogeneity based
on western fads and fashions has already started flourishing in Third World
countries, including
* Inequality tends to increase at all
levels and this has far reaching socio-economic and political consequences.
* Globalisation has put constraints on
the capacity and scope of governments to control national policies. The dominant ideology of reliance on free
market forces frowns upon the direct efforts of the state to improve the
quality of life of its citizens.
* TNCs, which know no accountability, are determining the pattern of production and consumption as well as flow of capital information.
These imperialist designs have put the country’s economic
sovereignty in to deep crisis. Liberalized globalized and private oriented
economic policy of the Union government has brought the country into the brink
of collapse.
6. Declining role of Govt. in Social Services :
6.1. In the era
of globalization the role of government is declining in all social sectors. The
government sources are proudly reporting about the declining growth of
agriculture and escalating growth of services so far as GDP is concerned. More
earning from service sector means the government is imposing more taxes and
levies on services like education, health, transport, telecommunication, post
and telegraph, water, electricity, etc. It indicates that the government is
relinquishing its responsibility to provide minimum needs of the people and
handing over these sectors to the private capitalists. Privatizing social
sectors is leading towards high rate of commercialization.
6.2 During the sixty years of capitalist development,
6.3. The ILO report notes that in Asia,
unemployment and poverty is higher than in any other region of the world, and
that almost two thirds of the total estimated 1,3 billion poor people in the
world, live in that region, mostly in South Asia. In the same report, it is also noted that
conditions in the work market in
6.4. In
health sector, the government is criminally ignoring and making the way for
indiscriminate privatisation. The costly private hospitals and nursing homes
are mushrooming throughout the country and exploiting the people without any
limit. No state and central government is making appropriate legislations to
control the private health centres. In the name of specialty clinics, the
private corporates are taking advantage of ignorance of the people about
medical sciences. The condition of the government hospitals and health care
institutions are pathetic. Due to this negligence,
6.5. The rural
6.6 In respect of social development, tribal welfare and
development, empowerment of women, child development and development of the
physically and mentally handicapped people are to be considered as priority
areas. But sixty years of our experience shows that the government is making
only cosmetic policy announcements. Public policies in their areas should be
framed in consultation with the experts in these fields and implementation must
be entrusted to dedicated and qualified administrators.
6.7. The state
structure of
6.8. The globalization and liberalization process has
created serious impact on culture of
6.9. The total
planning process must be revamped. It is unfortunate that no serious attempts
have been made to dig out the reasons for non-implementation of government
schemes within the stipulated time. The government is accepting and encouraging
the development programmes proposed by the conglomerates of Indian capitalist
such as CII, FICCI, ASSOCHAM etc. the common people are not getting an
opportunity to take part in the process of planning. Thus a vast majority of
Indian mass has been deprived of their democratic rights. People’s
participation in the local area development must be ensured.
7. Faulty
Planning ---- Wrong Approach :
7.1 Stagnation
in Agriculture :
7.1.1. Indian agriculture is facing severe crisis. Low public investment and inadequate price realizations relative to rising input costs –leading to stagnant capital formation even at the farmer’s end- over the last one and half decades are the main reasons behind this crisis. The government target of agricultural growth during the Ninth and the Tenth Plan was at 4% per annum, but in practice realized 2.7% in the 9th Plan and only 1.7% in the Tenth Plan.
7.1.2. Close to 70% of
7.1.3. The agriculture sector, which contributes a quarter of the gross domestic product (GDP), provides direct employment to about 57% of the total workforce and supports two-thirds of the total population, receives just 1.3% of the total investment in the economy. The most worrying fact is that the public sector investment has come down from 17.7% to 6.1% during this period. Declining public investment in the agriculture sector is a serious issue because it is not only critical for the development of the agriculture infrastructure but also for attracting private sector investment in the sector.
7.1.4 The number of agriculture labourers has increased from 27 million in 1951 to 107 million in 2001, a nearly four-fold rise. Consequently their share in the total workforce has also increased from 19.5% to 26.7% during the same period.
7.1.5 Investment in agriculture has also been reduced in every plan period. It was 6.5% in 6th Plan, 5.8% in 7th Plan, 5.2% in 8th Plan and only 5% in 9th Plan. The budgetary support for agriculture is only 2.6% in the year 2002-03. The agriculture department had sought an outlay of Rs.18, 233 crore for the Ninth Plan but was provided Rs. 7813 crore, only 43 %. Again during the 10th Plan, as against a demand of Rs. 25,000 crore, Rs. 13000 crore was given, a little over fifty percent. Further, against the projected demand of Rs. 5164 crore for 2002-03, Rs. 2167 crore was allocated.
7.1.6 In 1950-51, agriculture contributed 61% to
7.1.7 Agricultural policies that push the small farmer to destitution on the one hand, and promote cash cropping on the other, have resulted in lowered food production. There has been a steady decline in food production since the early ’90s, as a result of the thrust towards export-oriented agriculture. The collapse of domestic support for food production (through dismantling the MSP, rising costs of inputs, crop failure due to uncertified seeds) in the late 90s has intensified this shift, as farmers are desperate to recover their losses. The country is already facing a decline in food production to the order of 12.8% in just one year.
7.1.8 Between 1996-97 and 2001-02, the government increased the Minimum Support Price of paddy by 39.5% and wheat by 30.5%. In comparison, the government increased the cost of electricity by 73.1% and price of diesel by 108.1%.
7.1.9 Still the agriculture is dependent on rainfall, only around 40% of the total cropped area in the country is irrigated, hundreds of villages do not have access to electricity and drinking water, lack of proper remunerative prices, etc. are making ugly the face of rural India.
7.1.10 The impact of the new agriculture policy has been to promote a shift from food grains to vegetables and perishable commodities. While grains can be stored and consumed locally, potatoes and tomatoes must be sold immediately. A vegetable centred policy thus decreases food security and increases farmer’s vulnerability to the market. While this promotes monocultures of perishable commodities, the word used for these monocultures is “diversification” in typical globalisation doublespeak.
7.1.11 The NSSO data shows that over 40% of the farmers are keen to quit farming. It is a continuation of the tragedy of rural distress that has been driving about one lakh farmers over the last eight years to commit suicide as the way out of their interminable woes.
7.1.12
7.1.13 Three core areas of policy shift are destroying the fragile fabric of ecological security, livelihood security and food security creating ecological devastation and deepening hunger and poverty.
7.1.14
7.1.15 On 1st April 2001
7.1.16 QRs were being maintained ever since 1947 on balance of payments
(BOP) grounds under the General Agreement on Tariffs and Trade (GATT) to which
7.1.17 Transnational agribusiness giants are, in fact, the only beneficiaries from the liberalization of imports and removal of import restrictions in agricultural products. They benefit both from using their immense financial clout to depress world prices during procurement and hike it during sales, as well as from the various subsidies that are given to them for both exporting as well as importing, from both the countries which export and the ones that import.
7.1.18 A major impact of trade liberalisation policies has been a general lowering of food consumption. The per capita cereal consumption has declined from 17 kg per month in the 1950s to 13.5 kg per capita per month in the 1990s. The National Nutrition Monitoring Bureau data shows a declining trend in consumption in Rural India, particularly in cereal and millets, the main source of energy for the poor. The most important reasons for the decline are:
Rising food
prices
Destruction of livelihoods
Destruction of the PDS system
Shift to export oriented agriculture
7.1.19 The reduced consumption on the one hand, and the decline in
agricultural production and procurement on the other are directly linked though
the Food and Agricultural policies of the government. Colonialism had destroyed
the food sovereignty of the country, forcing changes in cropping from food for
local and regional food security to commercial crops. Each period of large
exports has been followed by acute food shortage, and
7.1.20 Commercialization of agriculture through contract farming is a new
policy initiative in the country. In the present era of trade liberalisation
and expanding agri – business, the small and marginal farmers in
7.1.21 Therefore, in order to
make the small and marginal holdings economically viable and to provide
productive employment to farmers, we have to evolve a farming system, which is
better than corporate and contract farming. Effective participation of
cooperative institutions in various facets of agriculture may be a better
option. Another alternative could be the promotion of collective farming among
small and marginal farmers through self-help groups.
7.1.22 The policy changes induced by trade liberalisation include:
· Dismantling of the FCI and reducing
its role in procurement from farmers;
· Removal of Quantitative Restrictions
on imports of food and agricultural products;
· The amendment of the Public
Distribution System, to cater only to the ‘Below the Poverty Line’ (BPL)
category of the population;
· Increase in the central issue price,
from Rs. 450/quintal in April 1995, to Rs. 682 quintal in April 1999, and to
Rs. 900/quintal in 2000; and
· Increased price of food available
through the Targeted PDS to the BPL as a result of transferring 50% of the
procurement and distribution costs of the government to this category.
· Government procurement centres
refusing to purchase food grains from farmers.
· The refusal of the government to
enforce Minimum Support Price (MSP) on private traders and corporations,
forcing farmers into distress sale of food grains at costs far below production
costs.
· Dumping of cheap subsidized
agricultural products by other countries in the Indian market, lowering farm
prices.
· Increasing price of farm inputs,
including seed.
· Liberalizing
seed regulations to allow private seed companies sell uncertified seed.
· Deepening of farmers’ debt, increased mortgages and land alienation, increased destitution, suicides and sale of body parts among farmers.
7.1.23 The Approach Paper to the 11th
Five Year Plan (Planning Commission, Govt. of India) rightly admits the crisis
situation and gives the caution note :
"The
crisis of stagnation in agriculture needs urgent attention. This sector still
provides livelihood to nearly 60 percent of our people and remains vital for
food security. To ensure a better life for women and men engaged in
agriculture, it is necessary to double the growth rate achieved in 10th Plan
and put agriculture on a growth path of around 4 percent. To do this and at the
same time maintain prices and profitability, a corresponding increase in demand
for agricultural output matched with the supply side response based on
productivity improvements is required."
7.1.24 The aforesaid paper further states
---------- "In recent years our farmers have been hesitant in expanding
production because (a) per capita domestic food consumption has stagnated in
recent years and (b) world prices turned weak for many crops. Consequently
agricultural product prices received have failed to keep pace with overall
inflation and production costs, thus reducing farm profitability."
7.1.25 We may also quote from the
document of 2002-03 ----- Farm Survey, which says 94 percent of the farmer
households belong to holdings of less than four acres. This is the fate of the
'aam janta' of agriculture. More alarmingly, institutional credit generally
does not reach the marginal and small farmers. The rich farmers are only
benefited. To make the situation still worse, only 1.8 percent of the total investment
in
7.1.26 We may quote firm 'Economic Survey
2006-07' figures on Annual average growth rate of agriculture, which show how
miserable is the present agricultural performance :
Total
: Annual average growth rate (per cent)
|
Five
Year Plan |
Overall
GDP growth rate |
Agriculture
& allied sectors' growth rate |
|
Seventh
Plan(1985-90) |
6.0 |
3.2 |
|
Annual
Plan (1990-92) |
3.4 |
1.3 |
|
Eighth
Plan (1992-97) |
6.7 |
4.7 |
|
Ninth
Plan (1997-2002) |
5.5 |
2.1 |
|
Tenth
Plan (2002-07) |
7.6 |
2.3 |
|
2002-03 |
3.8 |
-7.2 |
|
2003-04 |
8.5 |
10.0 |
|
2004-05 |
7.5 |
0.0 |
|
2005-06 |
9.0 |
6.0 |
|
2006-07 |
9.2 |
2.7 |
7.2 Industry : Jobless Growth
7.2.1 It is true that industrial sector has grown in many ways during
the last fifteen years. But this growth has not helped growth in employment,
thereby causing livelihood crisis of millions of poor people. Organised
manufacturing sector, although produces two-third of whole production, employs
only 12% of the whole workforce engaged in manufacturing. Labour intensive mass
manufacturing based on relatively lower skill levels may provide an opportunity
to expand employment in the industrial sector.
The Eleventh Five Year
Plan approach Paper has assessed the situation as such : "Indian
manufacturing is highly dualistic, with the organised sector producing 67% of
manufacturing value added but employing only 12% of all workers in
manufacturing. Unfortunately, although employment in the unorganised
manufacturing sector has expanded, it has not increased at all in organised
manufacturing after mid - 1990s. At the same time labour productivity has
hardly increased in unorganised manufacturing while organised manufacturing has
increased this at about 10% per annum by increased use of capital but with
fewer employees".
Incidentally it is noted
with concern that the Planners are advocating to amend some of the existing
labour laws as they think those to discourage the creation of employment
opportunities in the organised manufacturing sector. But we warn, again this
would be a wrong approach, as it would open the flood gate for more
exploitation and depriving the workers of their hard-earned rights.
7.3. Falling Employment and Increasing
Povety.
7.3.1 Falling rate of employment :
'The Economic Survey
2006-07' reveals that ------- "Employment growth in the organised sector,
public and private combined, declined during the nineties. Annual employment
growth in establishments covered by Employment Market Information System of
Ministry of Labour decelerated from 1.20 percent during 1983-1994 to -0.38
percent per annum during 1994-2004, as is shown in the following Table":
|
Table : Annual Growth of Employment in Organised
Sector(in per cent) |
||
|
|
1983 - 1994 |
1994 - 2004 |
|
Public Sector |
1.53 |
-0.80 |
|
Private Sector |
0.44 |
0.61 |
|
Total Organised |
1.20 |
-0.38 |
'The
Economic Survey 2006-07' further reveals ---------- "Net annual addition
to employment on Usual Principal Status (UPS) basis went up from 5.47
million during 1993-94 to 1999-2000 to 9.58 million during 1999-2000
to 2004-2005. Simultaneously, however, according to the 61st round estimates,
during 1999-2000 to 2004-05, labour force grew even faster at an annual 2.54
per cent compared to annual employment growth of 2.48 per cent. As a
result, despite the faster growth of employment, unemployment (on UPS basis)
was higher at 3.06 per cent of the labour force in 2004-05 compared to 2.78
in 1999-2000, as is indicated in the following Table :"
|
Table : Employment and Unemployment (in
million) |
||||
|
|
1983 |
1993-94 |
1999-2000 |
2004-05 |
|
Labour Force |
277.34 |
343.56 |
377.88 |
428.37 |
|
Workforce |
269.36 |
334.54 |
367.37 |
415.27 |
|
Number of Unemployed |
7.98 |
-9.02 |
10.51 |
13,10 |
|
As a proportion of labour force in per
cent |
||||
|
Unemployment rate |
2.88 |
2.62 |
2.78 |
3.06 |
The
'Economic Survey 2006-07' highlights another important aspect. It states that
to absorb all new entrants into the labour force every year, non-agricultural
employment is needed to increase at over 6 per cent per annum during the 11th
Plan. It poses a major challenge, and the present trend of generating
non-agricultural employment hardly gives us any hope to meet this challenge.
The Survey report says --- "As per the figures published by Annual Survey
of Industries, there was a decline in the absolute number of persons engaged in
the organised manufacturing sector between 1987-88 and 2003-04. ...
Profitability (i.e. share of profits in the net value added) during the period
1987-88 to 2003-04 increased substantially from 11.6 per cent to 45.5 per cent,
while share of wages came down from 56.4 percent to 35.7 per cent. With a bias
towards capital- intensive technology, there was a drop in total employment in
the sector. The trend of sluggish employment growth in organised manufacturing
is also corroborated by the lackluster performance of the historically labour
intensive manufacturing sub-sectors like leather, food products, jute and jute
product in more recent years."
Precisely,
it can be said that unemployment is increasing. From some corner it is wrongly
claimed that the overall rate of growth of employment is about 2.3 per cent.
But it is very important to note that the rate of growth of employment in the
organised sector is negative. In the organised sector, manufacturing sector is
growing at a fast rate of 10 to 11 per cent. But this growth in manufactures
takes place with negative growth of employment. In reality, employment is
increasing in the unorganised sector. And what is this unorganised sector. It
is the sector where there is no minimum wages, where there is no labour laws,
where there is no social security. People are working there without water,
without light, without shelter. They are working in such adverse situation,
because without working they would starve. This is the fallacy of growth
publicized by the government. To sum up the situation, 11th Plan Approach paper
says ------ "Employment growth accelerated to 2.6% during 1999-2005
outpacing population growth. But the average daily status unemployment rate,
which had increased from 6.1% in 1993-94 to 7.3% in 1999-2000, increased
further to 8.3% in 2004-05."
7.3.2. Increasing Poverty
The
provisional data of the latest National Sample Survey (NSS) 61st Round for the
year 2004-05 indicate that the poverty ratio at the national level was 27.8
percent if the Uniform Recall Period (URP, in which the consumer expenditure
data for all the items are collected from a 30-day recall period) is used, and
about 22 percent if the Mixed Recall Period (MRP, in which the consumer
expenditure data for five non-food items, namely, clothing, footwear, durable
goods, education and institutional medical expenses, are collected from a
365-day recall period) is used.
7.4. Education
& Health Services : Far from Necessity Target
7.4.1. The UPA Government has on them three main
commitments in respect of Education : one, at the international level,
'Education for All', under the NCMP, increasing public expenditure on education
to 6 percent of GDP; two, universalizing elementary education and three, under
the Constitution's 86th Amendment, making available free and compulsory
education to all children in the age group of 6-14 years. The government has
failed to fulfill all the three commitments. Moreover, they have levied special
education cess twice, at the rate of 2% and then 1%, and still lagging behind
to raise education-expenditure up to 6% of GDP, which was 3.74% in 2003-04.
State/UTs have reported that as on March 31, 2006, there were 70.5 lakh
children in the 6-14 age-group who were not enrolled in a school. The goal of
the National Literacy Mission (NLM) to achieve sustainable threshold literacy
rate of 75 per cent by 2007. The 2001 Census Report indicates the literacy rate
as 64.84 per cent. The situation is made still worse due to distressingly
growing trend of commercialisation and privatisation of education, which has
deprived the millions of poor people access to quality education. The 'Economic
Survey 2006-07' states -------- "As per NSSO survey (55th round 1999-00),
there were in-equalities in enrolment in higher education across various social
groups in rural and urban areas, and also in terms of gender. Women belonging
to SCs and STs and those living in rural areas are the most
disadvantaged."
7.4.2. The position of Health Services in
In
his 'socialistic reconstruction' plan, Netaji Subhas repeatedly emphasised that
alleviation of poverty & unemployment, illiteracy and ill-health should be
of priority necessity for our country. But unfortunately, even after 60 yeas of
independence
8. Further
anti-people measures only to facilitate pro-rich 'Exclusive' growth: