TowardsSocialism

 

 

 

 

 

 


OUR OPPOSITION TO INDO-US NUCLEAR DEAL IS ON IDEOLOGICAL GROUNDUS

Debabrata Biswas, M.P., General Secretary, AIFB

                        There has been a lot of controversy, tension and confusion on the issue of Indo-US nuclear deal during the last three months. Amidst the din we have all along consistently opposed the deal on various technical and political grounds. But mainly our opposition is on ideological ground. It is our firm conviction that the deal is not merely a civil nuclear cooperation agreement, it has rather far more political implication. We can not rule out the apprehension that this deal will eventually damage our decades-long non-aligned image and will impede our independent foreign policy and thereby adversely affect our sovereignty. We can not accept such post-deal ominous developments and hence, we oppose it on ideological ground.

            To be more precise, this nuclear deal will push India to American military bloc. Behind this apparent benevolent offer of nuclear cooperation, America's ulterior motive to make India their strategic partner and a military ally can not be overlooked. More damagingly, once we are bound under this deal, it will hamper our own indigenous nuclear research in this respect. Hence, we have all apprehension that this deal will be detrimental to the interest of our country. The way America, through many of her high-ranking officials and public figures have, of late, started lobbying for this nuclear deal, anybody can easily guess America's vested interest in the deal. It will strengthen America's imperialist designs and will help to accelerate their world-wide aggressive role, to which we are definitely opposed for the sake of suffering humanity.

            Even before operationalising the deal, India has started feeling the pinch, as is evident from the fact that India still falters to finalise the long-pending Iran-Pakistan-India Gas Pipeline Project. US binds our hands to come to any terms with Iran, even if that be a highly beneficial gas pipeline project - so greatly needed for our energy security.

            So we all along opposed the Indo-US nuclear deal and asked the UPA government not to proceed hastily to operationalise the deal. Our primary aim was not to destabilize the government. But the fact remained that in case the government didn't concede to our demand, we have had no other way but to withdraw our support to it. Consequently, that would lead to fall of the government and an early poll. If the government insists on its own programme (of Nuclear Deal with US), without caring for the Left's concern, the government would create its own crisis and invite its fall - leading to early poll. But it was wrongly interpreted, particularly by a section of the media, who started advocating that the Left would suffer a heavy electoral set-back in case of fall of the government and an early poll. But even then the Left bravely faced this media-assault and stuck to its ideological stand.

            Due to this strict united stand of the Left, the flow of events took a new turn causing a climb-down

 

Editorial

If winter comes, can debates be far behind

The winter session of parliament comes again as usual in normal course.
            Sometimes it starts earlier, and even ends more earlier than the scheduled time, on the pretext of various political situation.  Apart from it, there is a tendency of having Parliament sessions of shorten duration, on this plea or that plea, which can not be encouraged, nor can be supported, as that amounts to curtailment of Parliament Members' rights.

      But it becomes a matter of more serious concern, when such eagerly-awaited sessions are ultimately disturbed due to frequent interruptions and adjournments, without giving opportunity for neefull transactions and responsive discussions in the house. As our past experience in this respect is not very encouraging, let us now hope that this winter session is not disturbed and let this be fully utilized by some long-awaited fruitful debates on many pending important issues.

      Indo-US Nuclear Deal, obviously, should have a proud place in the list of business agenda. The Left, along with other like minded parties, strongly pressed for a debate on this vital national issue during the last monsoon session, but unfortunately the members were denied of an opportunity to discuss it in the house. It appeared that some vested interest groups, both in the government and in the opposition, tried to prevent its discussion with the apprehension that the total number of members/parties opposing the deal may come out on record, or the double-face role of some parties on the issue may be exposed. But since it is a grave national issue concerning the future of the country, the members must have full opportunity to express their views - for and against the deal. Not merely the sense of the House, but the categorical views expressed by the members during a debate in the house should determine the fate of the deal. The other vexed and important issue is the continuing rise of prices of all essential commodities affecting millions of poor people of the country.  In the midst of high-sounding publicity on the GDP  growth and the sensex rise, the dismal performance and failure of the government in the area of continuing price-rise can not be minimized or bypassed. The Parliament must find a way out to properly address the problems facing the working class people.

      The other important pending issues are the implementation of the Sachar Committee Report, alarming farmers' suicide (as reported in press, one suicide in every 30 minutes), comprehensive bill for the unorganised sector workers, immediate framing of rules for the Scheduled Tribes and other traditional Forest Dwellers (Recognition of Forest Rights) Act so that the much-awaited legislation may not be sabotaged by vested interest lobbies. Besides some lip-services for the Muslim minorities, no effective steps have yet been taken for implementation of the Sachar Committee Report. A debate in Parliament is necessary to expedite government action in the matter. Similar is the case with the unorganised sector workers who are long deprived of a comprehensive legislation to ensure their social security and economic safeguards. Members would also like to have debates to voice their strong opposition to government policies freely allowing SEZs and entry of corporate houses in retail trade and agricultural marketing which would seriously affect livelihood of millions poor farmers and small retail traders. The dangers for democracy in our neighboring countries, particularly due to military junta crackdown on pro-democracy movement in Myanmar and declaration of Emergency in Pakistan to throttle people's voices can not escape concern of the MPs who would definitely like to debate on the governments' policy decisions on the matter.

            There are many other imp ortant issues too. For discussing many pending legislations we would look for uninterrupted winter session of Parliament which would conduct its business in the way as is expected of it by the whole country.

 

 

The Role of Mahatma Gandhi in Indian History

- Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose

The role which a man plays in history depends partly on his physical and mental equipment, and partly on the environment and the needs of times in which he is born. There is something in Mahatma Gandhi, which appeals to the mass of the Indian people. Born in another country he might have been a complete misfit. What, for instance, would he have done in a country like Russia or Germany or Italy? His doctrine of non-violence would have led him to the cross or to the mental hospital. In India, it is different. His simple life, his vegetarian diet, his goat's milk, his day of silence every week, his habit of squatting on the floor instead of sitting on a chair, his loin-cloth-in fact everything connected with him-has marked him out as one of the eccentric Mahatmas of old and has brought him nearer to his people. Wherever he may go, even the poorest of the poor feels that he is a product of the Indian soil---bone of his bone, flesh of his flesh. When the Mahatma speaks, he does so in a language that they comprehend, not in the language of Herbert Spencer and Edmund Burke, as for instance Sir Surendra Nath Banerji would have done, but in that the Bhagavad-Gita and The Ramayana. When he talks to them about Swaraj, he does not dilate on the virtues of provincial autonomy or federation, he reminds them of the glories of Ramarajya (the Kindom of King Rama of old) and they understand. And when he talks of conquering through love and ahimsa (non-violence), they are reminded of Budha and Mahavira and they accept him.

      But the conformity of the Mahatma's physical and mental equipment to the traditions and temperament of the Indian people is but one factor accounting for the former's success. If he had been born in another epoch in Indian history, he might not have been able to distinguish himself so well. For instance, what would be have done at the time of the Revolution of 1857 when the people had arms, were able to fight and wanted a leader who could lead them in battle? The success of the Mahatma has been due to the failure of constitutionalism on the one side and armed revolution on the other. Since the eighties of the last century, the best political brains among the Indian people were the best political brains among the Indian people were engaged in a constitutional fight, in which the qualities most essential were skill in debate and eloquence in speech. In such an environment it is unlikely that the Mahatma would have attained much eminence. With the dawn of the present century people began to lose faith in constitutional methods. New weapons like Swadeshi (revival of national industry) and Boycott appeared, and simultaneously the revolutionary movement began to gain ground (especially in Upper India) and during the Great War there was an attempt at a revolution. The failure of this attempt at a time when Britain had her hands full and the tragic events of 1919 convinced the Indian people that it was no use trying to resort to the method of physical force. The superior equipment of Britain would easily smash any such attempt and in its wake there would come indescribable misery and humiliation.

      In 1920 India stood at the cross-road. Constitutionalism was dead; armed revolution was sheer madness. But silent acquiescence was impossible. The country was groping for a new method and looking for a new leader. The there sprang up India's man of destiny---Mahatma Gandhi --- who had been bidding his time all these years and quietly preparing himself for the great task ahead of him. He knew himself --- he knew his country's needs and he knew also that during the next phase of India's struggle, the crown of leadership would be on his head. No false sense of modesty troubled him --- he spoke with a firm voice and the people obeyed.

      The Indian National Congress of today is largely his creation. The Congress constitution is his handiwork. From a talking body he has converted the Congress into a living and fighting organisation. It has its ramification in every town and village in India, and the entire nation has been trained to listen to one voice. Nobility of character and capacity to suffer have been made the essential tests of leadership, and the Congress is today the largest and the most representative political organization in the country.

      But how could he achieve so much within this short period? By his single-hearted devotion, his relentless will and his indefatigable labour. Moreover, the time was auspicious and his policy prudent. Though he appeared as a dynamic force, he was not too revolutionary for the majority of his countrymen. If he had been so, he would have frightened them, instead of inspiring them; repelled them, instead of drawing them. His policy was one of unification. He wanted to unite Hindu and Moslem; the high caste and the low caste; the capitalist and the labourer; the landlord and the peasant. By this humanitarian out-look and his freedom from hatred, he was able to rouse sympathy even in his enemy's camp.

But Swaraj is still a distant dream. Instead of one, the people have waited for fourteen long years. And they will have to wait many more. With such purity of character and with such an unprecedented following, why has the Mahatma failed to liberate India?

He has failed because the strength of a leader depends not on the largeness - but on the character - of one's following. With a much smaller following, other leaders have been able to liberate their country - while the Mahatma with a much larger following has not. He has failed, because while he has understood the character of his own people - he has not understood the character of his opponents. The logic of the Mahatma is not the logic which appeals to John bull. He has failed, because his policy of putting all his cards on the table will not do. We have to render unto Caesar what is Caesar's and - in a political fight, the art of diplomacy cannot be dispensed with. He has failed, because he has not made use of the international weapon. If we desire to win our freedom through non-violence, diplomacy and international propaganda are essential. He has failed, because the false unity of interests that are inherently opposed is not a source of strength but a source of weakness in political warfare. The future of India rests exclusively with those radical and militant forces that will be able to undergo the sacrifice and suffering necessary for winning freedom. Last but not least, the Mahatma has failed, because he had to play a dual role in one person --- the role of the leader of an enslaved people and that of a world-teacher, who has a new doctrine to preach. It is this duality which has made him at once the irreconcilable foe of the Englishman, according to Mr. Winston Churchill, and the best policeman of the Englishman according to Miss Ellen Wilkinson.

      What of the future? What role will the Mahatma play in the days to come? Will he be able to emancipate his dear country? Several factors have to be considered. So far as his health and vitality are concerned, it is highly probable that he will be spared many years of active and useful public life and his determination to achieve something tangible in the direction of his country's freedom will keep up his spirits. So far as his popularity and reputation are concerned, they will endure till the end of his life - because unlike other political leaders, the Mahatma's popularity and reputation do not depend on his political leadership --- but largely on his character. The question we have to consider, however, is whether the Mahatma will continue his political activities or whether he will voluntarily withdraw himself from active politics - of which there are indications at the present moment - and devote himself exclusively to social and humanitarian work. A prediction in the case of the Mahatma is a hazardous proposition. Nevertheless, one thing is certain. The Mahatma will not play second fiddle to anyone. As long as it will be possible for him to guide the political movement, he will be there---but if the composition or the mentality of the Congress changes, he may possibly retire from active politics. That retirement may be temporary or permanent. A temporary retirement is like a strategic retreat and is not of much significance because the hero will come back into the picture once again. We have had experience of the Mahatma's retirement from active politics once before - from 1924 to 1928. Whether there is a possibility of the Mahatma's permanent retirement depends to some extent at least, on the attitude of the British Government. If he is able to achieve something tangible for his country, then his position will be unassailable among his countrymen. Nothing succeeds like success, and the Mahatma's success will confirm public non-co-operation. But if the British attitude continues to be as uncompromising as it is today, public faith in the Mahatma as a political leader and in the method of non-violent non-co-operation will be considerably shaken. In that event they will naturally turn to a more radical leadership and policy.

      In spite of the unparalleled popularity and reputation which the Mahatma has among his countrymen and will continue to have regardless of his future political career, there is no doubt that the unique position of the Mahatma is due to his political leadership. The Mahatma himself distinguishes between his mass-popularity and his political following in the years to come in the event of the British attitude being as unbending as it is today, will depend on his ability to evolve a more radical policy. Will he be able to give up the attempt to unite all the elements in the country and boldly identify himself supplant him. The hero of the present phase as well. But what does the balance of probability indicate?

      The Patna meeting of the All-India Congress Committee in May 1934, affords an interesting study in this connection. The Mahatma averted the Swarajist revolt by advocating council-entry himself. But the Swarajists of 1934, are not the dynamic Swarajists of 1922-23. Therefore, while he was able to win them over, he could not avoid alienating the Left Wingers of who have now combined to form the Congress Socialists Party. This is the first time that a Socialist Party has been started openly within the Indian National Congress, and it is extremely probable that economic issues will henceforth be brought will be more scientifically organized within the Congress and also among the people in general.

The Congress socialists appear at the moment to be under the influence of Fabian Socialism and some their ideas and shibboleths were the fashion several decades ago. Nevertheless, the Congress Socialists do represent a radical force within the congress and in the country. Many of those who could have helped them actively are not available at present. When their assistance will be forthcoming, the Party will be able to make more headway.

At the present moment another challenge to the Mahatma's policy has crystallized within the Congress in the Congress Nationalist Party led by Pandit Malaviya. The dispute has arisen over the Communal Award of the Prime Minister, Mr. Ramsay Macdonald. The issue is, however, a comparatively minor one, because the official Congress Party and the Congress Nationalist Party are agreed in the total rejection of the White Paper of which the Communal Award is an integral part. Only the official Congress party is foolishly afraid of openly condemning the Communal Award. Since the Congress Nationalist Party does not represent a more radical force in the country, the ultimate challenge to the Mahatma's leadership cannot come from that direction.

One definite prediction can be made at this stage-namely, that the future parties within the Congress will be based on economic issues. It is not improbable that in the event of the Left Wingers capturing the Congress machinery, there will be a further secession from the Right and the setting up of a new organization of the Right Wingers like the Indian Liberal Federation of today. It will of course take some years of clarify the economic issues in the public mind---so that parties may be organized on the basis of a clear programme and ideology. Till the issues are clarified, Mahatma Gandhi's political supremacy will remain unchallenged, even if there is a temporary retirement as in 1924. But once the clarification takes place, his political following will be greatly affected. As has been already indicated, the Mahatma has endeavored in the past to hold together all the warring elements landlords and peasant, capitalist and labour, rich and poor. That has been the secret of his failure. If all the warring elements resolve to carry on the struggle for political freedom, the internal social struggle will be postponed for a long time and men holding the position of the Mahatma will continue to dominate the public life of the country. But that will not be the case. The vested interests, the 'haves', will in future fight shy of the 'have-nots' in the political fight and will gradually incline towards the British Government. The logic of history will, therefore, follow its inevitable course. The political struggle and the social struggle will have to be conducted simultaneously. The Party that will win political freedom for India will be also the Party that will win social and economic freedom for the masses. Mahatma Gandhi has rendered and will continue to render phenomenal service to his country. But India's salvation will not be achieved under his leadership.

[Extract from ‘The Indian Struggle’ by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose]

 

National Convention of Contractor workers

      Sponsoring Committee of Central Trade Unions and National Federations have organized one day National Convention of Contractor workers from various sectors on 19th November, 2007 at V.P. House Lawn, New Delhi. Seven member presidium was elected including Com. Rajat Sengupta (TUCC) to preside over the function.

      Com. S.P. Tiwari, General Secretary, TUCC during his speech had elaborated the expansion of unorganised sector since 1991 and capturing the organized sector gradually (In - 1991, organized sector 13% unorganised sector 87%, in 2006 organised sector 6%, unorganised sector 94%) due to rampant contractorisation and outsourcing in perennial  nature of work in industrial establishments. He stressed the need to launch aggressive and continuous agitations against Government of India so that the marching leaps of LPG could be stopped. He also re interated his call for uncompromising struggle by CTU's to save the country and its working class from the clutches of Soaring MNC's.

      Com. P.V. Kathirvan (Transport) and Com. Hansraj Akela (Beedi) also spoke on the occasion. The convention had decided that on 5th and 6th December, 2007. Dharna, protest, demonstrations, rallies etc. would be organized at state, district and unit levels. 8th January 2008 will be observed as DEMANDS DAY of conractors workers. Contractors workers of TUCC from the states of Delhi and Bangalore (BHEL) had attended the programme in good numbers.

 

The Central Secretariat of All India Forward Bloc met at New

The Central Secretariat of All India Forward Bloc met at New Delhi on 20th and 21st November 2007. Com. Naren Dey, presided over the meeting.

      The meeting elaborately discussed about the current national and international socio-political situations and adopted several resolutions on these issues. The meeting also discussed thread barely about the ongoing preparations for the National Council Meeting and the State Council meetings of the party.

123 Agreement

      The Secretariat has decided to continue our opposition to the Indo-US Civil Nuclear Deal and to block the government from the process of operationalising the deal. The Secretariat endorsed the decision of the Left Parties that to allow the government to work out the draft of the India Specific safe Guards with IAEA as a step to provide the government to have a honourable exit from the deal. The party will stick to this consensus.

Nandigram

      The secretariat strongly condemned the bloodshed in Nandigram and asked the left front of West Bengal to settle the issue amicably without narrow political interests. It was also opined that the CPI (M) the leading party of West Bengal left front and the State Government should abide the collective decisions of the left front and it must be the responsibility of the left front and the government to rehabilitate the evacuated people in Nandigram and to restore peace there. All the partners of left front should remember that the anti-left forces are very much active in the state in connivance with imperialist and fundamental forces to destabilize the government and to tarnish the image of the left front, which enjoys uninterrupted mass support since last three decades.

      Apart from 123 Agreement and Nandigram, the Central Secretariat of the Party has adopted resolutions on following national and international issues:

1.   Tribal people are still deprived of forest rights

2.   Atrocities on dalits still continue

3.   Foreign Universities free to set up centres in India- Grave concern for Higher Education

4.   Research in nuclear sector is welcome, but not privatisation

5.   Agricultural indebtedness: Still a vexed issue

6.   Karnataka politics: U-turn dram and unprincipled bargaining.

7.   Emergency in Pakistan

8.   17th National Congress of CPC

9.   Situation in Sri Lanka

10.  Democratic movement in Burma (Myanmar)

11.  Bangladesh situation

12.  US threat against Iran

13.  4th International Conference on Federalism

(See 'Towards Socialism' and 'Jangarjan' for detailed resolutions)

      The Secretariat has taken the following political and organisational decisions unanimously:

1.   National Council Meeting

      The meeting has decided to make the National Council meeting of the Party, which schedule to be held at Nagpur, Maharashtra on 15,16 and 17the February 2008 a grand success. All the lower units of the party are requested to give maximum publicity for the National Council Meeting.

      The state Committees of the party are requested to send the list of National Council members to the central office at the earliest. National Council Members from different states, as decided in the 15th Party Congress are as follows:

West Bengal                      100                                       Tamilnadu         20

Maharashtra                      08

Bihar                                 10

Karnataka                          04

Haryana                            02

Delhi                                 05

Jharkhand                         10

Orissa                               05

Uttar Pradesh                    12

Madhya Pradesh               04                                        Kerala   09

Tripura                              05

Punjab                              05

Jammu & Kashmir             05

      Total number of delegates for the National Council will be 250. The Central Committee members of the Party will be ex-officio members of the National Council. Delegates from Uttarakhand, Manipur, Assam, Anadaman & Nicobar Islands, Andhra Pradesh, Pondicherry and Rajasthan will also be invited.

      The delegate fee will be Rs. 50/- (Rs. Fifty only)

2.   Documents of the National Council

      All the state committees are requested to translate, print and discuss the draft document adopted by the Central Secretariat of the party in the District and state Councils meetings. The central committee will bear fifty percent of the printing cost of the draft document in different languages. The Central Committee will publish the document in Hindi and English only.

      All the state units are requested to bring resolutions on local socio-political and economic issues of the states apart from the suggestions to the central document.

3.   State Council Meetings:

      The dates for the state council meetings have been rescheduled, which is as follows:

West Bengal                 8,9,10 Dec. 2007

Tripura                          15-16 Dec. 2007

Manipur                        23-24.Dec.2007

Assam                          29-30Dec2007.

Maharashtra                  29-30 Dec.2007

Kerala                           5-6 Jan.2008

Jammu & Kashmir         9-10 Jan.2008

Delhi                             12-13.Jan.2008

Jharkhand                     16-17.Jan.2008

Madhya Pradesh           19-20.Jan.2008

Balasore Zonal              24 Jan.2008

South Orissa Zonal        25 Jan.2008

Central Orissa               26 Jan.2008

Punjab                          27 Jan.2008

Haryana                        28 Jan.2008

Karnataka                      29-30 Jan.2008

Bihar                             2-3 Feb.2008

Orisaa State                  5-6 Feb.2008

Uttar Pradesh                5-6 Feb.2008

Tamilnadu                     9-10 Feb.2008  

      All the state units are requested to complete the district and other lower level council meeting prior to the state council meetings.

4.   Campaign on 'AIFB For Netaji's India, A Socialist India'

      The Central Secretariat has decided to launch a nationwide campaign to propagate the political philosophy of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose and the long-term political aim of All India Forward Bloc as 'AIFB For Netaji's India, A Socialist India' from 23rd January to 15th February 2008. The draft document prepared for the national council meeting can be utilised for this campaign. All the district and state council meetings should give much publicity for this campaign as the main theme of the council meetings. All are requested to propagate this as the only alternative to save the nation from capitalists and the neo-colonial forces and the corrupt, communal and bourgeois political parties.

5.   March Tripuri To Make Anti-Imperialist Platform.

      The Central Secretariat has decided to commemorate the 69th anniversary of the historical Tripuri (Madhya Pradesh) Conference of AICC where Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose defeated Shri Pattabhi Sita Ramayya, the candidate of right wing forces of the Congress led by Mahatma Gandhi. The All India Forward Bloc, the party founded by Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose has the firm conviction that the current Indian situation demands a unified platform against imperialist forces. The increasing highhandedness of imperialism in this continent is a threat to the sovereignty and economic independence of the developing countries of this region. The AIFB, the party emerged through relentless anti compromise struggle against imperialism is bound to make such platform against imperialist and neo-colonial forces.

      The All India Forward Bloc will initiate to make a broad based platform of all left and socialist parties, progressive groups, intellectuals, civil society organizations etc. to launch a persistent struggle against imperialism. This anti-imperialist campaign will begin from 17th February 2008 from Nagpur, where Netaji proclaimed the historical slogan 'All Power To The Indian People'. The first phase of this campaign will culminate with a three-day conference at Tripuri (Madhya Pradesh) on 10,11 and 12th March 2008. The first day for Asian Solidarity meeting in which delegates from Asian countries are being invited, second day for honouring the INA personals and freedom fighters and to revist the Tripuri Congress history and the third day for launching the anti-imperialist platform. Com. Naren Dey, Com. (Dr.) Barun Mukherjee M.P and Com. Subrata Bose, M.P are authorized to make necessary documents for the campaign.

6.   Raj Bhavan March In Jharkhand

      The Central Secretariat endorsed the decision of the AIFB Jharkhand State Committee to organise a Raj Bhavan (Governor's House) March on 17th December 2007. This March is against the failure of the state government to contain the ongoing annihilation and personal killings of common people and social activists by different Naxal groups and Maoists in Jharkhand. The AIFB is of the opinion that the issue of Naxalism in different sates is not merely an issue of law and order. It is a socio political issue cropped up due to inequality, discrimination and underdevelopment. Socio-political solutions are necessary to curb this menace. While organising this Raj Bhavan March, the AIFB will raise the issues of rampant corruption, lack of political accountability and failure of the government to redress the issues of the common people. The party will also raise the slogan for the rights of 'Jal, Jungle, Zameen' and to hold the local body election immediately.

7.   Membership

      All the state committees are requested to send the membership list and fees to the Central Office by 30th November 2007.

8.   Mass Organisation

      All the mass organisation leaders are requested to send the report of their activities and future programme to the Central committee of the party at the earliest.

9.   Report to the Party Organs

      All the lower units of the party are requested to send the reports of the party programmes to the central office to publish in 'Towards Socialis' and 'Jangarjan'.

 

 

Wanton violence mars civil life in Nandigram :

Unilateral CPM crackdown tarnish left image

      The 11-month long violence and political turmoil at Nandigram (of West Bengal) and absolutely wrong handling of the situation by the State Government have created an alarming erosion of public image of the Left Front. But unfortunately it appeared that the major partner of the Left Front couldn't fully realise how deep could be its impact not only at the State but also at national level. The political disaster reached the peak when 14 innocent life were lost by indiscriminate police firing on 14 March 2007 at Nandigram. Forward Bloc along with other Left partners vehemently protested against it and the CPM's and the state governments' policies and actions at that time. In view of such left pressure and the country-wide repercussions following the police firing, the Chief Minister publicly admitted his responsibility for police firing. In the Left Front meeting, too, the CM and the LF Chairman assured the constituent parties to follow the established LF policy of discussing in the Front meeting before taking any major political decision. The CM also made public statement at that time that there would be no acquisition of land for the proposed SEZ at Nandigram.

      But unfortunately the state government didn't honestly follow thereafter the assurances given and they continued to very often skip discussions in the LF in respect of many important issues, obviously ignoring the objections of other left partners in the matter. One very serious attempt was made by Forward Bloc to convene an all-party meeting in Kolkata (at Mahajati Sadan) on 24 May 2007 to initiate peace process in respect of Nandigram issues. But due to adamant and non-conciliatory attitude of Trinamul Congress, along with CPM too, the peace talks failed, the resolutions taken at that meeting were also not implemented. LF Chairman was thereafter entrusted to follow-up the peace-talks, but nothing took place. An attempt was, of course, made by the former CM Jyoti Basu to initiate talks with the TMC leader Mamata Banerjee. But that too failed after the initial meeting.

      Meanwhile, eviction of thousands of families from Nandigram and sporadic violence continued unabated. TMC-led Bhumi Ucched Pratirodh Committee (BUPC) activists, in collusion with some extremist elements, were all out to aggravate the situation. Forward Bloc and other left partners failed to convince the LF Chairman to once again initiate sincere efforts for peace process on Nandigram issue, as was decided earlier in LF meeting.

      But it was a matter of shocking surprise that suddenly the CPM party, along with the support of administration, unilaterally started concerted actions, from Khejuri end, during the week from November 5 to 11, 2007, to recover their lost ground in Nandigram and to rehabilitate their supporters so long exiled in the adjoining block of Khejuri. The police was kept inactive and mere spectators, while their party cadres, reportedly to be armed, forced entry into Nandigram, causing violence, deaths and injuries in the process. Their action programme, no doubt, helped a large number of people to recover their houses, which they were forced to desert by the BUPC activities quite a long time before. But unfortunately, another large number of people, including women and children, being panic-stricken, were forced to leave their houses in Nandigram only to seek shelter in whatever odd places that were available. The whole situation was thus terrorised, full of panic and tension, and no doubt was far from restoration of peace and order in the area. So far the casualty is reported (by CM himself) to be 4 dead and 13 injured. In reality, the figures are apprehended to be much higher.

      To add fuel to fire, the West Bengal Governor Gopal Krishna Gandhi issues a public statement on 9 November 2007, accusing the CPM party indulging in illegal means to recapture villages after villages in Nandigram by their cadres. Forward Bloc could not approve such unfortunate and unwarranted public statement which hampered the impartial role of the Governor as he was supposed to play. Forward Bloc immediately issued a statement on 10.11.07 condemning the Governor's role, as he failed to follow the normal procedure of contacting the CM and the administration to give his reactions and warning, but instead he issued a public statement and thereby created further complications in the matter.

      Forward Bloc hurriedly called a Press Conference on 10.11.07 to express its grave concern in the latest developments at Nandigram, which were apprehended to obstruct peace process there. While reminding the CPM party that their policy of violence would only help escalating state-wide disturbances, Forward Bloc urged for immediate all-party meeting at the state-level, in addition to those at local level, to find an amicable settlement. Forward Bloc further opined that the CM, LF Chairman and ex-CM Jyoti Basu should take initiative to convene such meetings immediately and it assured all help and cooperation in the matter. But unfortunately CPM didn't respond to our call and wanton violence continued unabated.

      Another unfortunate incident happened on 11.11.07 when a large number of independent-minded intellectuals, writers, actors and other artists rallied together near "Nandan", where a Film-festival was going on, to express their distress and opposition to violence and bloodshed in Nandigram. But unfortunately the police forced them to leave the place and eventually arrested and took them to Lalbazar Police Head Quater. (Of course, they were released after a couple of hours.) This unprecedented incident had wide spread adverse repercussions on the people at large. Of late, the CM and the Commissioner of Police have expressed regrets for the incident.

      The three left partners, viz, Forward Bloc, RSP and CPI urgently met at a meeting on 11.11.2007 at Forward Bloc office and issued a Press statement as follows : That we do not support wanton violence as a means to find a solution in Nandigram, we are totally opposed to it. The CPM alone is responsible for this unfortunate turn of events. Peace and normalcy would have to be restored in no time and appropriate administrative action be taken. Persistent social and political initiative would also have to be taken for restoration of peace.

      Forward Bloc was clearly of the opinion that further to the damage caused by the TMC-led BUPC activists continuously for the last several months, CPM would also be held responsible for the recent unfortunate developments at Nandigram for their present unilateral move to recover the de-possessed areas through armed intervention by party cadres. CPM must follow the agreed upon measures unanimously recommended by the LF.

      Our warning was proved to be correct, when further deaths and injuries, arson and looting took place during the CPM's planned area-recovery march through Nandigram villages.

      People were shocked when the CPM leader declared on 11.11.2007 their complete success in full recovery of the dispossessed areas and in achieving terror-free Nandigram, although at the cost of bloodshed and immense misery to thousands of hapless villagers. People adversely reacted to CPM's claim of such restoration of peace in Nandigram. State-wide 'Bandh' was observed on 12.11.07 and eventually the CRPF took control of the area with effect from 13.11.2007.

      Forward Bloc is still firmly of the opinion that the so-called 'peace' presently prevailing at Nandigram would be a temporary phase, if further peace process initiated through all-party meetings to address grievances of the people is not immediately held and a continuing social and political initiatives are not followed.

      We reiterate the 8-point resolution unanimously adopted at the LF meeting held on 17 March 2007. Four of those points were materialised, viz

i)    The CM had accepted the responsibility of 14 March,07 incident in Nandigram,

ii)   Police force was gradually withdrawn from Nandigram,

iii)   Official announcement was made that there would be no acquisition of land (for SEZ) in Nandigram,

iv)  Official 'Core Committee' started functioning.

      But the following points were not implemented properly viz,

i)    All the important political decisions would be taken in LF,

ii)   LF would initiate continuing social & political measures for peace process in Nandigram,

iii)   LF govt. would work on the basis of LF principles,

iv)  LF govt. would be cautious not to repeat 14 March'07 incidents in Nandigram.

      The following measures as decided upon were also not implemented in time, viz. Adequate compensation to the families of dead and injured, reconstruction of all houses damaged, rehabilitation of all, irrespective of political colour, who were evicted from their homes, joint appeal and joint programme for implementation of socio-political peace process.

      Only very recently, compensation offer has been declared, but not yet implemented. We urge upon the LF Chairman and the CM to immediately implement all the resolutions unanimously adopted by the LF.

      Forward Bloc continues to have its firm faith in the necessity of LF, which must be further strengthened based on principles of democracy and consensus among its constituent parties. LF will succeed only when it can take the people in confidence.

[Resolution adopted at Central Secretariat Meeting : 20-21 November, 2007]

 

Foreign universities free to set up centres in India :

grave concern for Higher Education

Union Human Resource Development Minister Arjun Singh has made a policy declaration that the Government is open to allow reputed universities from overseas to set up centres in India. He has of course added that the Government will ensure that fly - by - night operators do not get a chance to dupe students.

      Still it is a dangerous proposition that the foreign universities be free to set up centres in India. It will do more harm to our Higher Education than developing it in Indian way under Indian conditions to serve our national interest. These foreign Indian centres will produce graduates & post - graduates who will have their intellectual roots planted in foreign soil and will gradually lose interest in Indian affairs and Indian people. An alien culture will be created within the country and will put an artificial barrier in between the sons of the soil and the soil of the country.

Most interestingly, the Higher Education Summit 2007, where the HRD Minister made the aforesaid announcement, was organized by the FICCI, not by any educational institution. Naturally, their proposed pattern of higher education based on foreign universities set up in India, was intended to serve the corporate interest by creating management experts out of those universities, who will not be nourished by Indian culture and nationalist spirit. Corporate houses are complaining about dearth of expertise which is to serve only the corporate interest. In response to this corporate needs, government is allowing foreign universities to open their centres in India. But can these education stalwarts think of a situation when Indian universities will be allowed to open centres in those counter- part foreign countries?

      It is more regrettable that stating that the government push for higher education would be rendered ineffective in the absence of qualified faculty, the minister sought the assistance of the private sector in meeting the shortage in trained faculty. In the recent meeting of the Full Planning Commission on Education held on 13.9.2007, the need for systematically exploring the sector for private participation for supplementing public funding for higher education was emphasized.

      It is also noted that in a recent conference, many of the Vice-Chancellors have also favoured setting up of centres in India by the foreign universities. Perhaps, their interest is centred around the prospect of getting lucrative appointments in these foreign - Indian centres.

      So long we have noticed growing flow of Indian students to U.S. The population of Indian students in the US went up by 10% from 76,503 in 2005-2006 to 83,833 in 2006-07. In the reverse direction, the number of American students coming to India has gone up by 20% taking the figure to 2,200. The US has now begun tapping secondary Indian cities to woo more students. Cambridge and Oxford Universities are also increasingly becoming financially dependent on enrolment of Indian students. Oxford University Chancellor Chris Patten in a recent lecture in India has regretted that the university now had only 300 Indian students, and efforts should be made to increase the number.

      Now, with the open scope to set up centres in India, the Foreign Universities must be very happy. But for our national interest, we oppose this policy of setting up centres in India by the Foreign Universities.

[Resolution adopted at Central Secretariat Meeting : 20-21 November, 2007

     

TUCC state conference of Madhya Pradesh

   An extended meeting of trade union workers was held on 14th November, 2007 at Bhopal. Several independent Unions working in unorganised sector had decided to affiliate with TUCC and work for the object and ideology of Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose at National level. Labour Union in Katani, Ordnance Factory, Madhya Pradesh have also decided to join TUCC with immediate effect. It was decided to hold state conference of TUCC at Katani on 19th and 20th December 2007. Reception committee of 16 members covering 13 district of Madhya Pradesh was formed under the convenership of Com. Md. Shakil.

Research in Nuclear sector is welcome, but not privatization